Geography of water and energy resources Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words - 5

Geology of water and vitality assets - Essay Example ountries is $34.442 trillion while that of the Middle East OPEC nations is $ 2.1348 trillion, a pointer that the G7 nations are progressively gainful, financially. This recognizes mean GDP of $ 4.92 trillion for the G7 nations and $ 0.3558 trillion. This means a GDP for each capita of $ 43, 132.88 for the G7 nations and $ 14,112.79 for the Middle East OPEC nations (Central Intelligence Agency, 2014). The G7 nations along these lines have preferable creation proficiency over the Middle East OPEC nations on the grounds that despite the fact that the G7 nations have higher populaces, their per capita livelihoods are far higher than per capita earnings of the Middle East OPEC nations. G7 nations are considered as financial mammoths on the planet and this observation is steady with the truth, in light of the examination. Net local results of the Middle East OPEC nations are all beneath a trillion dollars while the most minimal GDP among the G7 nations is over a trillion dollars. Higher normal GDP and per capita GDP for G7 nations than for Middle East OPEC nations appear

Mayahuel - The Aztec Goddess of Maguey

Mayahuel - The Aztec Goddess of Maguey Mayahuel was the Aztec goddess of maguey or (Agave History of the U.S), a desert flora plant local to Mexico, and the goddess of pulque, a mixed beverage produced using agave juices. She is one of a few goddesses who secure and bolster fruitfulness in its distinctive guises.â Key Takeaways: Mayahuel Substitute Names: NoneEquivalents: 11 Serpent (post-great Mixtec)Epithets: The Woman of 400 BreastsCulture/Country: Aztec, Post-exemplary MexicoPrimary Sources: Bernadino Sahagun, Diego Duran, a few codices, particularly the Codex MagliabechianoRealms and Powers: Maguey, pulque, tipsiness, fruitfulness, revitalizationFamily: The Tzitzimime (amazing ruinous heavenly creatures who epitomized innovative forces), Teteoinan (Mother of the Gods), Toci (Our Grandmother) and the Centzon Totochtin (400 Rabbits, Mayahuels youngsters) Mayahuel in Aztec Mythologyâ Mayahuel was one of a few Aztec divine beings and goddesses of ripeness, every one of whom had explicit jobs. She was the goddess of maguey, and supporter of the 13-day celebration (trecena) in the Aztec schedule that begins with 1 Malinalli (grass), a period of overabundances and an absence of moderation.â Mayahuel was known as â€Å"the lady of the 400 breasts,† most likely a reference to the numerous sprouts and leaves of maguey and the smooth juice created by the plant and changed into pulque. The goddess is frequently delineated with full bosoms or breastfeeding, or with numerous bosoms to take care of her numerous youngsters, the Centzon Totochtin or â€Å"the 400 rabbits,† who were the divine beings related with the impacts of over the top drinking.â Appearance and Reputation In the current Aztec codices, Mayahuel is portrayed as a young lady with numerous bosoms, rising up out of a maguey plant, holding cups with frothing pulque. In the Codex Borbonicus, she wears blue garments (the shade of fruitfulness), and a hood of axles and unspun maguey fiber (ixtle). The axles represent the change or renewal of turmoil into order.â The Bilimek Pulque Vessel is a bit of cut dull green phyllite totally shrouded in complex iconographic signs, and in the assortments of the Welt Museum in Vienna, Austria. Made in the mid 1500s, the container has a huge head anticipating out from the side of the jar that has been deciphered as the day sign Malinalli 1, the principal day of Mayahuels celebration. On the opposite side, Mayahuel is shown as beheaded with two floods of aquamiel spurting out from her bosoms and into a pulque pot below.â Other related pictures incorporate a stele from the extraordinary great time frame pyramid of Teotihuacan dated between 500â€900 CE which shows scenes from a wedding with visitors drinking pulque. A stone artistic creation at the postclassic Aztec site of Ixtapantongo delineates Mayahuel ascending from a maguey plant, holding a gourd in either hand. Her head is delegated with the leader of a fowl and a feathered hood. Before her is a pulque god and Pantecal, the dad of her 400 children.â The Myth of the Invention of Pulque As per the Aztec legend, the god Quezalcoatl chose to give people a unique beverage to celebrate and eat and gave them pulque. He sent Mayahuel, goddess of maguey, to the earth and afterward combined with her. To stay away from the wrath of her grandma and her different fierce family members the goddesses Tzitzimime, Quetzalcoatl and Mayahuel changed themselves into a tree, yet they were discovered and Mayahuel was executed. Quetzalcoatl gathered the bones of the goddess and covered them, and in that spot developed the main plant of maguey. Consequently, it was believed that the sweet sap, the aguamiel, gathered from the plant was the blood of the goddess. An alternate form of the legend tells that Mayahuel was a human lady who found how to gather aquamiel (the fluid), and her significant other Pantecalt found how to make pulque. Sources Garnett, W. The Paintings at Tetitla, Atetelco and Ixtapantongo. Artes de Mã ©xico 3 (1954): 78â€80. Print.Kroger, Joseph and Patrizia Granziera. Aztec Goddesses and Christian Madonnas: Images of the Divine Feminine in Mexico. Ashgate Publishing, 2012.Milbrath, Susan. Beheaded Lunar Goddesses in Aztec Art, Myth, and Ritual. Antiquated Mesoamerica 8.2 (1997): 185â€206. Print.Miller, Mary, and Karl Taube. The Gods and Symbols of Ancient Mexico and the Maya: An Illustrated Dictionary of Mesoamerican Religion. London: Thames Hudson, 1993.Taube, Karl. Las Origines del Pulque. Arqueologia Mexicana 7 (1996) :71. The Bilimek Pulque Vessel: Starlore, Calendrics, and Cosmology of Late Postclassic Central Mexico. Antiquated Mesoamerica 4.1 (1993): 1â€15.

A relevant furniture piece or other interior design element in the Assignment

An applicable furniture piece or other inside plan component in the Regency and Revival period (1810-1860) - Assignment Example Furniture during the Gothic Revival time frame were made to fit the most elevated class and with thought for use by the wealthiest as obvious in the uality of the seat and the meticulousness in the plan of the seat. Gothic Revival Furniture were essential to the Regency and Revival period since it offered a change from the Neoclassic style that had won for quite a while and that it was inside the period when creators utilized more seasoned plans as motivation. The impact was a restoration of more established plans from the twelfth century (Siegel, 43). The other significance of the Gothic Revival Furniture is the immaculateness of geometric structures and compelling plans it confirm, and they were planned with excellent components. The Gothic Revival Furniture took into account the rise of ornamentation, bending structures, and complex plan (Nielson, 355). The significance of the Gothic Revival Furniture to the restoration time frame incorporate that it brought about the large scale manufacturing of seats by Lambert Hitchcock (1795-1852) and Henry Belter (1804-1863) presented wood bowing i9n his production line making seat making simpler and better (Sheumaker and Shirley,

Cyprus accession in NATOs programme Partnership for Peace

ABSTRACT: The contemporary political debate which has emerged recently in the political arena of Cyprus regarding the issue of Cyprus accession in NATOs programme Partnership for Peace (PfP) provoked a rich discussion concerning the historical orientation of the countrys foreign policy. Although Cyprus has been a full member of the European Union since the 1st of May 2004, its comprehensive participation to European Security and Defence Policies and structures is questioned and partly limited. This statement is an emanation of the fact that Cyprus constitutes the only Member State in the EU, which is neither a member of NATO nor of the PfP. Therefore, the Cypriot indirect absence from Western security and defence structures combined with the Turkish intensive participation causes several internal and external implications and raise doubts concerning, both the exact role of Cyprus in the European Security system, as well as the future of the dialogue regarding relations between NATO and the EU. This paper explores three different phases of Cyprus foreign policy and tries to evaluate the reasons which led to the partial adjustment in its directions. In particular, throughout the Cold War, Cyprus implemented a policy of the Non-Aligned Movement. However, in 1990 it applied for EEC membership transforming its foreign policy and shaping a European orientation. Nevertheless, since February 2008 the new elected President Demetris Christofias a former leader of the communist party AKEL- has been categorically rejecting to put Cyprus in the path of accession into the NATOs PfP. As the conclusion states, although Cyprus foreign policy is Europe-oriented, there are particular cases which prove that the countrys foreign policy is not linear and is partially modulated depending on the governments political and ideological orientation. The final assessment of whether the foreign policy transformations are rational and beneficial for Cyprus remains controversial and open to different interpretations. Introduction The exercise and implementation of foreign policy comprise a decisive parameter which marks and defines the states external behaviour, as well as its politico-ideological placement in the international system. Undoubtedly, the establishment and cultivation of external relations, as well as the ability to inaugurate diplomatic contacts with other states and international organizations, are all fundamental elements of international relations, which enhance and reinforce the states position in the international scene and improve the climate of cooperation between states. However, a basic question that needs to be addressed and evaluated concerning the implementation of foreign policy is whether it remains steady and linear, or is being transformed and adjusted depending on evolving national interests and the rapid changes which are observed in the international environment. If the latter scenario is the case, the question which arises has to do with the variety of different factors whic h contribute and lead to the transformation and the partial redefinition of the national foreign policy direction. Despite the fact that it is a relatively small island, the Republic of Cyprus has had a rich and diverse history, . This paper will examine the case study of Cyprus foreign policy, analysing and critically approaching its evolutionary process throughout the years, trying to contribute to the discussion concerning the orientations and transformations of the countrys foreign policy throughout its existence. As the methodological type of this research is a case study, this paper tries to focus on the historical process of Cyprus foreign policy seeking to assess the factors which led to its partial redefinition and rethinking during three crucial stages of its history. It is worthy to clarify that the purpose of this paper is not to present and examine the Cyprus Problem per se, but how Cyprus saw and still sees its place in Europe through the exercise and implementation of its foreign policy. This explanatory case study attempts to evaluate three different stages which reveal the asymmetric nature and non linear orientation of the countrys foreign policy. As the conclusion states, although Cyprus after 1990 has been following a steady European orientation, its foreign policy has not changed, but is partly modulated and adjusted depending on the ideological background of the party in government. The following analysis will prove that despite the fact that Cyprus foreign policy is Europe-oriented, some of its aspects are now hostage to the governments ideology. What diversifies this paper from the existing literature is the interplay between internal and external dynamics in foreign policy perceptions. The structure of the Work This paper is divided into three parts based on three different approaches and periods of Cyprus foreign policy. The first chapter examines Cyprus foreign policy in the very early years of its existence, when it faced the dilemma of either being a satellite state, expressing support to either of the two superpowers, or to remain neutral. Bypassing the intensive disagreement from the Turkish Cypriot Vice President, President Makarios, took the decision to participate in the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) in 1961 keeping the country away from the direct epicentre of the Cold War. After following a non-aligned foreign policy during the Cold War and with the Cyprus problem being unresolved, the Cypriot political leadership decided that the country needed to dramatically change the orientation of its foreign policy. Following the brief examination of Cyprus non-aligned foreign policy during the Cold War, the second chapter deals clearly with the immediate post Cold-War era, where one could notice a total shift and a significant alteration of the countrys foreign policy. This chapter argues that the period after 1990 can be characterized as an effort from the Cyprus government to approach and join the Western European structures maintaining at the same time, friendly relations with the former Soviet Union countries. In 1990, Cyprus applied for membership of the EEC in order to achieve a series of national, political, and economic goals. The third chapter will present and analyze one of the most recent and contemporary political debates, concerning the issue of Cyprus comprehensive participation in European Security and Defence structures and policies, with additional emphasis on the issue of Cyprus prospect of joining NATOs PfP. After the examination and analysis of the above three periods which showed a different motivation from Cypriot governments concerning the orientation of foreign policy, this paper concludes with an overall assessment of the aforementioned issues. Although the purpose of this paper is not to make predictions and speculations for the future, it is necessary to pose some crucial questions for further research about how Cyprus sees its place in Europe. Literature review Methodological approach Conceptual clarifications It is widely accepted that the Cyprus problem is by its nature a very tenebrous, sensitive, ambiguous and controversial political problem which can be approached from a variety of different political angles depending on the way one understands the various balances and realities in Cyprus. When studying cases like Cyprus, an objective researcher must take into account a series of different variables concerning the politico-ideological ambiguities in the context of the Cyprus political arena in order to be objective and formulate realistic arguments. A significant limitation which emerges in research methodology, as well as in the process of the examination and evaluation of recourses is the question of subjectivity and the realistic interpretation either of the primary sources or of the historical proceedings. The way the political life in Cyprus is structured, provides a rich philosophical tradition of debate between the political tendencies, which offers different explanations, diff erent interpretations and even different conclusions. If we apply the theory that a coin has always two sides and an argument has two different explanations, in the case of Cyprus, many coins have too many sides. The present brief literature review presents the major works published in the English language on the Cyprus issue in general. It is worthy to note that the vast majority of social scientific works on Cyprus are focused on Cyprus political problem and the conflict between the two communities and their political and territorial aspirations in the island. The impact of the factors which led to the reformulation of foreign policy attitude, or indeed the impact of the political debates in Cyprus political arena on foreign policy is comparatively little explored. The works contained herein have been chosen because of their relevance to one or more of the major themes running through the paper. Regarding the three key areas of this research, i.e. Cyprus foreign policy, Cyprus EU accession process and Cyprus and PfP the majority of the literature on Cyprus is extremely vast and enlightening on the second, less so on the first, and virtually nonexistent on the last. In particular, one contemporary, objective and realistic account is offered by James Ker- Lindsay, [2004,2005,2008]. Ker-Lindsay and Hubert Faustman [2009] also undertook a comprehensive research on the politics and government of Cyprus, providing us a solid argumentation about the countrys political realities. Other historical backgrounds and analysis are offer by other authors like [Markides, 1977] The Rise and fall of the Cyprus Republic [Bitsios, 1975], Cyprus: the vulnerable Republic, [Polyviou, 1975] Cyprus: The tragedy and the challenge. Theophylactou Demetrios presented in 1995 his interpretation concerning the security, identity and the nation building offering a comprehensive work on the Cyprus issue based on a combination of domestic and external factors. Concerning Cyprus EU accession process there is an extensive literature. Nattalie Tocci [2004] examined the prospect of Cyprus accession process as a catalyst for peace to the political problem and offered an evaluation o f the role of the EU to the conflict resolution in Cyprus. Moreover, Theophanous [2005] analysed the role of the EU in the Eastern Mediterranean, and its impact on the Cyprus question. Additionally, Brewin [2000], Christou [2004] and Stephanou [2005], analyzed the period of accessions negotiations and assessed the implications which emerged in the countrys accession process and in the path towards the final membership. Nevertheless, the focus of the third chapter, concerning the Cyprus application for PfP membership constitutes a very contemporary issue and thus almost absent from the current literature. However, this does not mean that it will be consumed in speculation theories, as it is a useful example which proves that Cyprus foreign policy is not linear and is being adjusted depending on a series of political, national and ideological factors. Therefore, the author has used many comprehensive accounts on Cyprus and the Cyprus problem which also evaluate some of the basic foreign policy aspects that are assessed in this paper. Furthermore the works of [Howorth 2007] on European Security and Defence Policy and [Kentas 2005] on Cyprus and PfP were very helpful for this particular analysis Moreover, as there is a need to understand the position of the political parties, it was attempted to take interviews from all political parties, as well as from members of the core-executive. It can be argued that the interviews offered the author the opportunity to better understand the existing political perceptions especially about the issue of PfP. A diplomatic neutrality: Cyprus Foreign policy of the Non-Aligned Movement The agreements negotiated in Zurich and London in February 1959 between the three guarantor powers Greece, Turkey and the United Kingdom led to the declaration of the Republic of Cyprus in 1960 . Apart from the domestic political implications, President Makarios, who was the first President of Cyprus, faced an early challenge and a significant dilemma. The specific dilemma and foreign policy decision has partly marked the countrys path and participation in international politico-economic affairs. In the apex of the Cold War, and with the international balances being sensitive and fragile, Cyprus government had three options regarding its foreign policy position and reaction to the global and political classifications. Firstly, there was a weakened assumption that Cyprus should have joined NATO as it belongs in the sphere of its influence and due to the fact that the three guarantor powers of the Republic are members of NATO. Besides the islands strong indirect bonds with NATO, one could argue that, according to the informal and secret agreement between the Greek Prime Minister Constantinos Karamanlis and his Turkish counterpart Mederes, which was signed in Zurich in February 1959, Greece and Turkey, agreed to support a future Cyprus accession in NATO. However, the paradox of this case implies the fact that Makarios was informed and agreed to the specific provision of the agreement. Secondly, there has been a perception that Cyprus would have drifted to the Soviet bloc, due to the impact, the friendly relations and the significant power of the communist party in Cyprus AKEL with the Soviet executive structures. However, those who knew and understood the political philosophy of President Makarios, realized that the most appropriate foreign policy option for Cyprus was the direction of the Non-Aligned Movement, as an effort to approach the third-world countries and the Arab world. The Non-Aligned Movement constitutes an international organisation of states considering themselves not formally and directly aligned with or against any major power bloc . As James Ker-Lindsay accurately observes, in 1955 Makarios was one of the many leaders who attended the Afro-Asian Conference in Bandung in Indonesia . However, all scenarios that Cyprus would have joined and expressed support to either of the two superpowers remained only speculation, as Makarios decided that the best foreign policy direction for Cyprus was to join the NAM. An observation of the Cypriot daily press of the period shows that the decision generated slight repercussions in some political and social lobbies on both a domestic and international level. In particular, it is worthy to note that the Non-Aligned orientation provoked the intensive disagreement of the Turkish Cypriot vice president Dr. Fazil Kutchuk, despite the fact that he did not exert his veto right to block the decision . It is commonly believed that the Turkish Cypriot vice president was urged by Ankara to accept Makarios decision to make Cyprus a member of the NAM. Turkeys political leadership believed that if Cyprus joined NATO and participated in the political and security structures of the Western alliance, Turkeys ability to intervene in Cyprus on an y occasion under Article 4 of the Treaty of Guaranty would be severely curtailed and subject to delays as it would need the essential approval of the other NATO member states. During the procedures of the Belgrade Conference in 1961 Cyprus became one of the twenty five founder states of the NAM. A basic explanation of this choice, which does not require any political analysis is that Makarios maintained excellent and friendly relations with a number of leading figures from Bandungs Conference, especially Yugoslavias Josep Broz Tito and Egypts Abdul Gamal Nasser, and he was already forging a reputation as a leader across the Arab world . Moreover, the fact that Makarios first official overseas visit was to Egypt to see his very good friend and colleague President Nasser instead of visiting Greece was unexpected. Additionally, the general consensus regarding the choice of NAM is proved by the fact that, even General Georgios Grivas who was the leader of EOKA and then one of the most intensive sources of opposition over Makarios policies, claimed that the movement towards the Arab world was promising and successful, expressing simultaneously his frustration at the way the Western allies treated Cyprus. Furthermore, he did not hesitate to call the Greek government to withdraw from NATO . Apart from the above, the general social frustration concerning the way the Western Allies treated Greek Cypriots during several times in contemporary Cyprus history, constituted another reason which demonized NATO in the eyes of the Greek Cypriot people. The initial negative experience the Cypriots obtained from the West has concerned the way the British responded to the demand of self determination and union with Greece. Although Cypriots participated and fought for the British in the Second World War, the British governments misplaced Cypriot hopes that Britain would have taken a more encouraging and positive position regarding the issue of union with Greece. Moreover, another crucial reason which proves the social disappointment to the British attitude has been the content and provisions of the various partitionist plans for a settlement proposed by several British officials. In particular such plans prepared and submitted by Marshal Sir John Harding in 1956 in his negotiations with Makarios, the ideas of Lord Radcliffe in December of the same year and the comprehensive proposal prepared by British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan in 1958. All these plans were assessed and rejected as unacceptable by the Greek Cypriot leadership and provoked a general mistrust against British policy over Cyprus. The issue of the Greek appeal in the UN seems to be very crucial. After the referendum organized by the Orthodox Church calling for unity with Greece . Theophylactou, who offers an interpretation of Makarios position, claims that Makarios, whose political philosophy was steadily moving away from Athens national policy vis- a- vis Cyprus, had dismissed enosis and adopted a policy of Non-alignment and independence for Cyprus . Furthermore, it is noticeable that Greece was highly economically dependent on economic and financial support from the West and did not wish to endanger the loss of its economic lank. As Makarios committed himself to the NAM he began to pursue his own political initiatives. Evaluating his policies one could argue that the vast majority of his decisions were gradually being contradicted with the policies of the National Centre. Makarios was being supported by AKEL and he was trying to implement policies that satisfied the partys electorate as he was heavily reliant on AKELs support. Nevertheless, after the breakdown of peace in Cyprus the US with the active support of Britain tried to propose plans to bring about a settlement. After the rejection of the Acheson plans by Makarios in 1964 and his broader approach to the Soviet Union, the US through their President Johnson had been worried about the possibility of Cyprus eventually becoming the Cuba of Mediterranean and Makarios the Castro of the area . However, assessing the role of the NAM in the efforts for a settlement in the Cyprus issue, it is questioned whether it has positively and actively contributed or whether its support was limited in rhetoric. It is worthy to note that interviewing the political party officers in the Greek Cypriot side, there is not an intense assumption that the direction of NAM was wrong and no party criticised Makarios for the specific orientation he attributed to the countrys foreign policy. In the following years the political anomaly had dramatically increased. In July 1974, Turkey found the pretext to impose its partitionist plans against Cyprus, following the coup of 15th of July, perpetrated against the elected government of President Makarios by the Athens military junta. On July 20, claiming to act under article 4 of the Treaty of Guarantee, the Turkish armed forces staged a full scale invasion against Cyprus. Though the invasion was in violation of all rules of international legality, including the UN Charter, Turkey proceeded to occupy the northern part of the island. Later on, the basis for a solution of the Cyprus problem was set in two High Level Agreements. Both agreements, (between President Makarios and the Turkish Cypriot leader Rauf Denktash, in February 1977 and between President Kyprianou and Denktash in May 1979), were concluded under the auspices of the UN Secretary General. Apart from the High Level Agreements several initiatives were attempted especially from the Greek-Cypriot side to find a settlement through UN mediation. In particular until 1990 one could argue that the initiatives of the Secretary Generals of the UN Kurt Waldheim, Javier Prez de Cullar and Boutros Boutros Ghali were the most comprehensive efforts for a settlement. All the above initiatives clashed to the intransigent position of the Turkish Cypriot leader Rauf Denktash. After the subsequent failures to inaugurate negotiations for the resolution of the Cyprus problem, which was the primary foreign policy objective for the Cyprus Government, the Cypriot political l eadership decided in 1990 to change the orientation of the countrys foreign policy. Westernisation of Foreign Policy: Cyprus European orientation as a catalyst for peace or source of further implications? The end of the Cold War, proved that the Western and European structures and values would dominate in the new era which was emerging and uprising. As the most sensitive issue for Cyprus was the necessity to intensify the efforts to find a negotiated settlement to the Cyprus problem, the Cypriot political leadership realised the need to partly transform the countrys foreign policy, implementing a policy aiming at a final accession into the EEC/EU. However, this foreign policy transformation created a strong reaction and opposition from AKEL. The communist party which had positively contributed to the election of President Vasiliou in the Cypriot Presidency in 1988, declared an intensive disagreement concerning Cyprus application for EEC membership. According to the official AKELs position, they considered the EEC as an imperialistic and neoliberal economic organisation which was using its economic power to pursue its political power in the world against the interests of the poor countries . AKEL saw the EEC as just another Western ally of the United States and NATO and strongly believed that Cyprus has no place and nothing to be benefited from organizations which organized and advocated to the Turkish invasion and the conspiracy of 1974. On the contrary all the other political parties including the right wing Democratic Rally (DHSY), the centre wing Democratic Party (DHKO) and the Socialist Party (EDEK) were vigorously supporting Cyprus accession and harmonization to the European structures . In the meantime, in 1993 Glafkos Clerides, the leader of the right wing Democratic Rally, a former President of the House of Representatives (Vouli) and a Greek Cypriot negotiator in the inter-communal talks of 1968-1974, was elected President of the Republic. Initially, his election brought a new prospect for Cyprus, as he was one of the most constant politicians and supporters of Cyprus accession into the EU. A central issue of this foreign policy transformation has been the role of the EU and its mediation in the conflict resolution in Cyprus and the outcomes of Cyprus EU foreign policy orientation. It is widely accepted that throughout the years, the vast majority of initiatives for a negotiated settlement have been undertaken by the United Nations, with the active support of the United States . Until the early 1990s, the EC/EU was almost absent from the efforts for a settlement. That was because the role of the EC/EU as an international actor until the end of the Cold War was partially undermined. Its contribution to the conflict resolution using civilian and diplomatic instruments was poor. As Olga Demetriou accurately argues, the EU has played a minor role in the search for a solution to the Cyprus conflict in comparison with the UN and Britain, and even the US . However, during the last decade of the 20th century and the first decade of the 21st a substantial shift to the EUs role in the resolution of the Cyprus problem is noticed which vindicates the aspirations of Cypriot leadership. With the growth of the European Integration process and the initial empowerment of the EUs role as an international actor during the early 1990s with the ratification of the Maastricht Treaty in 1993, European involvement in South-Eastern Europe grew steadily for a variety of different reasons. The political situation in the Middle East, the Euro-Turkish relations, as well as the substantial issue of immigration, have all constituted the main reasons of the EUs broader interest in the region. Apart from that, Cyprus geographical location at the crossroads of three continents, made it inevitably very crucial as regards the security dimension . As aforementioned, Cyprus European orientation officially began in 1990 when it applied for membership in the EEC. Since then, and due to the Turkish European aspiration, as well as the continuous Greek support on the Cyprus problem, the impact of the European Union towards the Cyprus conflict was steadily increasing. Moreover, Cyprus application for membership transformed the Cyprus problem into a European issue. However, in the initial stage of the accession process, the political problem was considered an obstacle for the accession and it was suggested that a settlement or at least significant moves towards one were necessary for Cyprus accession process to move forward . Various assumptions have been formulated regarding the issue of a settlement as a precondition for the accession. The provoked debate in the European Union has been between those who believed that Cyprus EU accession process would act as a catalyst for peace . Obviously, an insistence on a solution before accession would undermine the prospect of Cyprus EU accession process to act as a catalyst for peace. The question of whether Cyprus accession process should constitute a catalyst for peace was at the centre of the political debate and can be examined from different perspectives in regard to the interests of Greek and Turkish Cypriots. According to Tocci, the EUs role in the Cyprus problem has two dimensions: the impact of the EU as a framework on conflict resolution efforts, and the impact of the accession process on the parties in conflict . This paper argues that the fact which constituted a crucial help in the resolution of the Cyprus problem was not Cyprus final accession in the EU, rather the effect of Cyprus EU accession process especially during the final stage. Additionally, another factor has been the partial shift in Turkish foreign policy, as a result of the Turkish European aspirations, which became more active after the coming of power of the AKP. The final stage of the EU accession process which coincided with the latest initiative of the Secretary General of the United Nations Kofi Anan had diverse effects to the policies of the two communities . It is important to mention that the EU, as well as the international community, tried in several ways to support the Yes campaign in both communities. There is no doubt that on both sides there were several political parties which were more active to the idea of a solution prior to accession. However there were parties which hardened their positions due to the elections in both communities before the referenda. For those who were in favour of a solution prior to accession, the Anan plan constituted an opportunity for a solution. Moreover, the EU had declared and urged the two communities to accept the Anan plan, showing its active support for a solution prior to accession based on the specific plan. Another significant element which shows the EUs positive involvement in the efforts for a resolution was its vigilance to economically support a possible solution prior to accession, as well as to provide financial aid to the new state, in order to eliminate the economic disproportion bet ween the two communities. The decision to apply for membership in 1990 can be interpreted as an aim of strengthening the Greek Cypriot bargaining position in negotiations . Moreover Cyprus accession would confirm the Turkish attack and occupation of an EU member state. To put it differently, the EU, in its various structural, institutional and conceptual manifestations, has played, is still playing and is envisioned as having to play in the future, a variety of roles concerning the conflict in Cyprus. It remains to be seen whether this involvement will change in the future and whether the outcome of any mediation will bring a new prospect for Cyprus and its people. An overall assessment of Cyprus EU orientation reveals that the decision to apply for EEC membership in 1990 and partly transform the countrys foreign policy was a correct political evaluation and anticipation of the future prospects. However, Cyprus retained very good and friendly relations with other former Soviet states as well as with countries of the Arab Worlds and the NAM. Nevertheless, Cyprus as a full member of the EU, is implementing a Europe-oriented foreign policy which is relevant with the European structures and values. Is this statement always the case for Cyprus? An obser vation of some contemporary debates regarding Cyprus foreign policy and the countrys role in the international system, shows that sometimes, the countrys foreign policy is hostage to other factors which hamper it from its natural European orientation. The internal political debate about the issue of Cyprus application for Partnership for Peace membership which will be examined and assessed in the next chapter will prove the correctness of the above assumption. Cyprus Foreign Policy Hostage to ideology: The issue of Partnership for Peace. The process of Europeanization defined as a process of domestic change in order to align national policies with European structures as a result of potential membership- . This section will examine the contemporary debate which emerged recently in the Cyprus national political arena concerning the issue of Cyprus application for accession into NATOs programme PfP. Nevertheless, before analysing the domestic political debate regarding the issue of PfP, there is a necessity to clarify and examine some basic theoretical issues about the evolving role of the EU as an actor in the international system. This analysis is crucial, as it is related with the uncertain relations between NATO and the EU which directly affect the examined case of Cyprus and PfP. History proves to us that initiatives to create a common defence policy are not inextricable from European Integration but they are its precondition. The fact that the efforts have been numerous and of dubious outcome underline the complexity of the goal, but also its necessity. Undoubtedly, the failure of the EDC initiative in 1954, ensured that defence related issues were being discussed outside the EEC context . However, towards the late 1990s, there was a gradual departure from this policy path. A turning point in the progress made towards ESDP was the summit in St-Malo in December 1998 . Furthermore, relations between the EU and NATO came into question regarding this issue. However , despite the efforts and the to date implementation of 23 missions, the extent to which EUs security and defence role in the new security architecture in the immediate post-cold war period was limited and was only declared rather than proved. Nevertheless, it is of crucial importance to briefly examine what NATOs programme PfP really is . Additionally, based on a commitment to the democratic principles that underpin the Alliance itself, the purpose of the PfP is to increase stability, diminish threats to peace and build strengthened security relationships between individual Partner countries and NATO, as well as among Partner countries. Twenty three States are members in PfP. It was first proposed as an American initiative at the meeting of NATO defence ministers in Travemnde in Germany on October 1993, and formally launched on January 1994 NATO summit in Brussels. In the Copenhagens European Council in December 2002 it was decided that the EU member states which are also members of either NATO or the PfP are eligible to participate in ESDP operations which are conducted using NATO assets . The Council decision reflected the provisions of an EU-NATO agreement known as the Berlin Plus agreement, which spells out the conditions under which the EU could maintain access to the military assets of NATO. Lacking some important and military assets and capabilities, the EU depends heavily on NATO to undertake sensitive, high cost and risk crisis management missions, as well as peacemaking and peacekeeping operations, known as the Petersburg Tasks. Undoubtedly, the implications concerning the relation between Cyprus role and the implementation of the Berlin Plus agreements contain a more complicated political background. In particular, this political anomaly reflects the dialogue between NATO and the EU and the Turkish aspirations for its active role in the European security system . Unless its claims were taken fully into consideration, Turkey threatened to use its veto power in NATO to block the specific agreement which would negatively result on the prospect of ESDP. Particularly, Turkey sought full association with the ESDP operations conducted with the use of NATO assets. Furthermore, it demanded that the EU should be committed to not perform any military operation in geographical proximity to its territory. This demand implied that the EU could not conduct any military operation in either the Aegean Sea or Cyprus. Additionally, Turkey insisted that Cyprus should be excluded form all European security structures. Turkey was thus demanding that Cyprusa state it does not recognize should be excluded from the ESDPs operations employing NATO assets and be denied accession to NATO and PfP. In the face of a possible deadlock, British, American and Turkish diplomats engaged in negotiations that led to agreement on a blueprint known as the Ankara Text. That text addressed all Turkish concerns and was used as the basis for a final agreement between the EU and NATO . This particular case, and the Turkish threats concerning the issue of Berlin Plus are similar with the last debate and the Turkish objections regarding the issue of NATOs Secretary General elections where Turkish demands were totally satisfied in order to accept the candidacy of Rasmusen. According to EU decisions all the European member states of NATO, which are not members of the EU, can participate in the preparation and implementation of ESDP operations drawing on NATO assets. Moreover, the EU decided that the Berlin Plus arrangements and the implementation thereof will apply only to those EU member states which are also either NATO members or parties to the Partnership for Peace, and which have consequently concluded bilateral security agreements with NATO. Hence, Cyprus (Malta was the other member state which was neither member or NATO nor PfP but it joined PfP in 2008) a European state which is member of neither NATO nor PfP, but joined the EU in 2004, cannot participate neither in preparation nor in the implementation of the ESDP missions employing NATO assets. Likewise, Cyprus representatives the relevant ministers do not participate or vote in EU institutions and bodies, including the Political and Security Committee (COPS), with regard to decisions that concern the implementation of such operations . It is worthy to note that Cyprus is the only state that not only is absent from either NATO or PfP, but i t has so far expressed no interest in joining PfP. Ten years after the creation of ESDP and five years after the latest EU Enlargement some problems have been encountered in relation to EU-NATO cooperation. Particularly, EU and NATO diplomats are regularly meeting to discuss security issues under the Berlin Plus agreement. However, Cyprus cannot participate in the meetings which are assessed as of crucial importance. Turkey objects to Cyprus participation arguing that is not member of the PfP, which is the criterion for participation. As Kentas observes, although EU and NATO diplomats have been urging it to ease its objections, Turkey has opted to link the possibility of reconsidering Cyprus participation in EU-NATO meetings with the satisfaction of its demand to couple EU financial assistance to its protectorate in Cyprus (TRNC), with trade and travel through illegal entry points (ports and airports) in the occupied part of Cyprus . Despite the fact that Turkey invokes Cyprus n on-participation in the PfP program to block its participating in EU-NATO meetings, Cyprus has not shown any interest in joining to the PfP. Austria, Sweden, Iceland and Finland, four EU member states which are not members of NATO because of their neutrality, have joined NATOs PfP and, therefore, have access to the joint EU-NATO meetings and documents related to security and military operations. Furthermore, it is worthy to note that even Russia and the ten former communist democracies are now members of the PfP. By remaining indifferent to PfP membership, Cyprus runs the risk of becoming part of the problem in EU-NATO cooperation. To date, it was Turkey that caused obstructions to the coordination between those organizations. Since Cyprus now is a member of the EU, it cannot remain apathetic to the need for normal EU-NATO cooperation. Cyprus has to consider seriously applying to join the PfP. Even if Turkey insists on blocking its accession it would have at least demonstrated its d esire and willingness to be part of the western defence structure and would have also unequivocally placed the blame for lack of cooperation where it belongs . Being a neutral state, Cyprus would only benefit from joining NATOs PfP. It will have access to EU-NATO meetings, become eligible to participate in the ESDPs Petersburg Tasks drawing on NATO assets, and improve its strategic weight. Since 2005 there has been an extensive debate concerning Cyprus participation in PfP. Some scholars and politicians argue that a Cypriot application for PfP will reinforce the Greek-Cypriot position in the negotiations and to put pressure on Turkey. It is obvious that Turkey will veto a possible Cyprus application for PfP membership for a variety of different yet obvious reasons. The issue of the recognition of Republic seems to be the most important factor. However, concerning the issue of Turkish recognition of Cyprus a crucial argument emerges. This reflects that it is very contradictive the fact that Turkey does not recognise Cyprus, a member state of the international organisation (the EU) in which Turkey wants to belong to. Apart from putting pressure on Turkey, there is a widespread tendency in Cyprus political arena, that Cyprus has to express its interest and join the PfP, in order to implement its natural orientation concerning the fully Europeanization of the countrys fore ign policy . Furthermore, one could argue that remaining in the periphery of European Defence and Security structures, Cyprus is losing credibility and the status of the country is undermined internationally. On the contrary, there is an opposite trend which is supported only by AKEL that Cyprus application for membership in the PfP is not only unnecessary, but dangerous for Cyprus. AKEL which is the most constant partner of the government of President Christofias claims that it will create severe implications and repercussions on the Presidents efforts for a settlement to the Cyprus problem . The communist party grounds its arguments from the fact that Cyprus possible application for accession in PfP will be interpreted by European officials as an intentional movement from Cyprus government to put pressure on Turkey due to the obvious Turkish veto in order to prove that Turkey obstructs not only Cyprus from its natural orientation and comprehensive participation in the European Security system but also the dialogue between NATO and the EU. Moreover, the above explanation constitutes only the practical objection of AKEL. An observation of its policy and ideology throughout the years revea ls a very strong anti NATO and anti Western sentiment, which is often reformulating. It is worthy to note that there is a perception inside AKEL that only exogenous factors are responsible for all the disastrous outcomes of the Cyprus tragedy, and that everything concerning the Turkish invasion in 1974 was a result of an international conspiracy with NATO, CIA and the US as protagonists. Therefore it is noticed that apart from its practical arguments against Cyprus application for PfP which can be easily refuted, AKEL retains strong ideological fears and objections regarding any Cypriot link with NATO and PfP. Thus, it keeps a basic aspect of Cyprus foreign policy, hostage to its ideological fears. Another argument of the communist party and President Christofias is that NATOs programme PfP constitutes an antechamber to NATO. Again the specific argument can be easily refuted by the fact even Russia is a member of PfP which is of course not willing to join the Atlantic Alliance. Ther efore the only category of arguments that remain is the issue of ideology. At the writing of this paper, Cyprus government not only has not initiated any procedures to apply for PfP membership but has consistently rejected the possibility of Cyprus accession to PfP. Although all the political parties in Cyprus political arena DISY-EYROKO-EDH including the two parties which participate in government DIKO-EDEK, urge and call on President Christofias to declare an interest in PfP membership, President Christofias has been consistently rejecting any massive calls and recommendations regarding this issue. It is worthy to highlight that both the European Parliament and Cyprus House of Representatives (Vouli) with two recent resolutions recommended the Cypriot President to apply for PfP. This move followed the intensive reaction of the President who reformulated his view that I was elected with 55% of the peoples votes and while I will be President, Cyprus will never join neither NATO nor PfP . Evaluating the above analysis, it is obvious that Cyprus accession to NATOs PfP is not only a precondition for the country to comprehensively participate in the European Security and defence structures, but also in the dialogue and meetings between NATO and the EU. This paper argues that it is a necessity for the variety of aforementioned reasons. The absence of Cyprus from European Security System creates severe implications both in the EU as Cyprus absence hampers the symmetry of the relations between NATO and the EU, and also it undermines Cyprus credibility abroad when the Cypriot minister is urged to exit the room of discussions about the implementation and preparation of ESDP missions operated under the Berlin Plus. Thus, Cyprus application for accession will be beneficial for Cyprus and will confirm the countrys natural orientation and integration with the EU. Conclusion A countrys foreign policy is a set of goals outlining how the country will interact with other countries and international organizations economically, politically, socially and militarily. Foreign policies are designed to help protect a countrys national interests, national security, economic prosperity and ideological goals. However, as this paper showed, the steady and linear foreign policy orientation is not a basic prerequisite for a country in order to be successful in the field of foreign policy. The case of Cyprus proves that the partial transformation of foreign policy improves the countrys ability and provides the tools to implement wider goals and sensitive national interests. This essay offered an analysis and gave an interpretation of the orientation of Cyprus foreign policy and highlighted its transformations and adjustments throughout its existence. There is no doubt that Cyprus is a European State and constitutes a State entity. Thus, like all living entities is obliged to evolve its orientation and transform its nature in order to align and synchronize its step and path with the demands of the changing international context. Following a policy of the NAM during the Cold War, the Cypriot government evaluated its foreign policy and decided in 1990 that there was a necessity to change the orientation of its foreign policy, attempting a process towards the European Union. Nevertheless the specific transformation was an effort to increase the support for the resolution of the Cyprus problem and it was expected that Cyprus EU accession process could act as a catalyst for peace. However, at the moment although Cyprus foreign policy is Europe-oriented, the i deological fears of the communist party hamper Cyprus foreign policy and keep it hostage from its natural orientation and from its right to behave like a full member state of the EU and to comprehensively participate in the European security and defense policies and structures by obstructing and rejecting the calls to apply for PfP membership. It is widely accepted that the case of Cyprus foreign policy and the Cyprus problem is by its nature a complicated political issue. There is a tradition in Cyprus when Cypriots seek an analogy for an unworkable situation they exclaim that it has become like the Cyprus problem. As Ker-Lindsay accurately observes, four Secretary Generals of the United Nations unsuccessfully tried to resolve the specific conflict. Despite the thirty-five years of external mediation and negotiations, the problem still remains unsolved. Nicosia remains the last divided capital in the European Union. However, this does not necessarily mean that there was a foreign policy failure from the Cypriot side. The question of how Cyprus sees and will see in the future its place in Europe remains fluid and open to interpretation. Even if Cyprus sees itself as being an intrinsically European State and is now a member of the European Union, it is bound to other regions, continents and international alliances by virtue of history and geography . The specific accurate assumption of James Ker- Lindsay reflects the real picture concerning the exercise and implementation of Cyprus Foreign policy. However, the fact that Cyprus is bound to other regions does not imply that Cyprus does not follow a European orientation. Thus, its foreign policy is and should continue to be Europe-oriented. Although some aspects are dependent and adjusted and even hostage to any governments ideological directions, Cyprus European orientation has been, still is and should continue to be the basic ingredient of the countrys path in the contemporary globalized world. Bibliography Adams, T. (1971), Akel: the communist party of Cyprus, Stanford: Stanford University. Aydin, M. Ifantis, K. (eds) (2004),Turkish Greek Relations: Escaping from the security dilemma in the Aegean, Great Britain. Barchard, D. (1998), Turkey and the European Union, London: Centre for European Reform. Borawski, J. (1995), Partnership for Peace and beyond, International Affairs, Vol. 71, No. 2. Brewin, C. (2000) The European Union and Cyprus, Huntingdon: Eothen. Cedric, G. (1995), Equity in Third World Relations: a third world perspective. International Affairs, 71, 3, p. 567-587 Christou, G. (2004), The European Union and Enlargement: The case of Cyprus, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Clerides, G. (1989), My deposition, Vol 1. Nicosia: Alitheia Press. Coufoudakis, V. and Miltiadou, M. (2006), The Cyprus question: a brief introduction, (E-book), Nicosia: Available at: https://netfiles.uiuc.edu/ro/www/HellenicStudentAssociation/cyprus/cyprus.pdf [assessed 20 July 2009] Deighton, A. (2002), The European Security and Defence Policy, Journal of Common Market Studies, Vol. 40, 4. Demetriou, O. (2004), EU and the Cyprus conflict: Review of the literature, Intercollege Press, Nicosia. Diez, T. (ed.), (2002), The European Union and the Cyprus conflict, Manchester: Manchester University Press. Featherstone, K. and Radaelli, C. (eds.) (2003), The Politics of Europeanization, Oxford: OUP Gaudissart, M. (1996), Cyprus and the European Union: the long road to accession, Cyprus Review, 8 (1). Holland, R. (1998), Britain and the revolt in Cyprus, 1954-59, Oxford, OUP. Howorth, J. (2007), Security and Defence Policy in the European Union, UK: Palgrave Macmillan. Hunter, R. (2002), The European Security and Defence Policy: NATOs Companion or Competitor?, Rand Corporation, available at: www.rand.org/publications/MR/MR1463/index.html [accessed on 14/07/2009] Kentas, G. (2005), Time to consider accession to the Partnership for Peace, Research Development Center Intercollege, Ker-Lindsay, J. (2004), Britain and the Cyprus Crisis, 1963-1964. Mannheim: Bibliopolis. Ker-Lindsay, J. (2005), EU accession and UN peacemaking in Cyprus, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Ker-Lindsay, J. (2007), Crisis and conciliation: a year of rapprochement between Greece and Turkey. London: IB Tauris. Ker-Lindsay, J. (2008), The Security Dimensions of a Cyprus Solution, GreeSE Paper No. 19, Hellenic Observatory Papers on Greece and Southeast Europe. Ker-Lindsay, J. (2008), Europes eastern outpost: the Republic of Cyprus and the Middle East. The Round Table: the commonwealth journal of international affairs, 97(397). Ker-Lindsay, J. and Faustmann, H. eds. (2008), The government and politics of Cyprus. Oxford: Peter Lang. Lambrou, G. (2004), History of Cyprus: the years after independence, 1960-2004, Nicosia: Thecona Press. Markides, K (1977), The rise and fall of the Cyprus Republic, London: Yale University Press. Ozen, C. (2002), ESDP-NATO Relations: Considerations on the Future of European Security Architecture, The Turkish Yearbook of International Relations (33). Palamas, X. (1978), ,[Diplomatic Triptych], Athens: Friends Press. Stefanou, C. (2005) Cyprus and the EU: the road to Accession, England, Ashgate. Theophanous, A. (2005), The Cyprus question and the EU: The challenge and the promise, Nicosia: Intercollege Press. Theophylactou, D. (1995), Security, Identity and Nation Building, England: Avebury, Tocci, N. (2004) EU Accession Dynamics and Conflict Resolution: Catalysing Peace or Consolidating Partition in Cyprus? London: Ashgate. Urquhart, B. (1987), A life in Peace and War, London: Weidenfeld Nicolson. Vasiliou, G. (2007), The accession story: the EU from fifteen to twenty-five countries, New York: Oxford University Press. Verney, S. EU enlargement as a moral mission: Debating Cyprus accession in the European Parliament, Bilgi University, Istanbul, 20-23 September 2006. Willets, p. (1978), The non-aligned movement: the origins of a Third World alliance, London: F. Pinter. Xydis, S.G, (1967), Cyprus: conflict and conciliation, 1954-1958, Columbus: Ohio State University Press. Oral Resources (Interviews) Charis Christodoulidou Cypriot Diplomat, CFSP/ESDP specialist interview with the author which took place in Nicosia on 15/07/2009 Kasoulidis Ioannis Cypriot MEP of the Democratic Rally, (DISY) Former Minister of Foreign Affairs, Candidate for the Presidency of Cyprus in the 2008 elections. Interview with the author which took place in Nicosia on 22/07/2009. Omirou Yiannakis President of the Socialist Party (EDEK), Former Minister of Defence, interview with the author which took place in Nicosia on 30/07/2009 Sillouris Demetris President of the European Party (EYROKO) Interview with the author which took place in Nicosia on 16/07/2009 Tsiourtos Constantinos AKELs officer responsible for EU affairs interview with the author which took place in Nicosia on 04/08/2009 Ker-Lindsay, J. (2004), Britain and the Cyprus Crisis, 1963-1964. Mannheim: Bibliopolis. p. 8. www.mofa.gov.cy [accessed on 20-08-2009] For the exact citation of these works see the bibliography section. There is an extensive literature on the Cyprus problem. For a more objective and unbiased approach, see: Ker-Lindsay, J. (2005), EU accession and UN peacemaking in Cyprus, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan and Theophanous, A. (2005), The Cyprus question and the EU: The challenge and the promise, Nicosia: Intercollege Press. https://netfiles.uiuc.edu/ro/www/HellenicStudentAssociation/cyprus/cyprus.pdf [assessed 20 July 2009] Ker-Lindsay, J. (2004), Britain and the Cyprus crisis, ibid., p.20. AKEL Progressive Party of the Working People For further details on the Non-Aligned Movement see: Willets, p. (1978), The non-aligned movement: the origins of a Third World alliance, London: F. Pinter. Cedric, G. (1995), Equity in Third World Relations: a third world perspective. International Affairs, 71, 3, p. 567-587 Ker-Lindsay, J. (2008), Europes eastern outpost: the Republic of Cyprus and the Middle East. The Round Table: the commonwealth journal of international affairs, 97(397), p. 537 National Organisation of Cypriot Fighters A Greek word which means union with Greece. For a comprehensive account on the EOKA liberation struggle see: Holland, R. (1998), Britain and the revolt in Cyprus, 1954-59, Oxford, OUP. Archbishop Makarios, Times, 16 March 1956 Clerides, G. (1989) My deposition, Vol 1. Nicosia: Alitheia Press. Ker-Lindsay, J. (2008), ibid., p 537. Lambrou, G. (2004), History of Cyprus: the years after independence, 1960-2004, Nicosia: Thecona Press. p. 79. 95% of the population including Turkish Cypriots voted for ENOSIS For the role of the UN on Cyprus see: Xydis, S.G, (1967), Cyprus: conflict and conciliation, 1954-1958, Columbus: Ohio State University Press. Adams, T. (1971), Akel: the communist party of Cyprus, Stanford: Stanford University. Theophylactou, D. (1995), Security, Identity and Nation Building, England: Avebury, p.103. Markides, K (1977), The rise and fall of the Cyprus Republic, London: Yale University Press, p. 123. Theophylactou, D. (1995), ibid., p.85. Both leaders agreed that the basis for a possible solution would be on the Bi-zonal Bi-communal Federation Tsiourtos Constantinos,- AKELs officer responsible for EU affairs interview with the author. For a comprehensive analysis of the Politics and Government of Cyprus see the most recent work: Ker-Lindsay, J. and Faustmann, H. eds. (2008), The government and politics of Cyprus. Oxford: Peter Lang. Tsiourtos Constantinos ibid. Omirou Yiannakis President of the Socialist Party (EDEK), Former Minister of Defence, interview with the author A unilateral initiative by the US was the Acheson plan in 1964 A unilateral initiative by the United Kingdom was the Macmillan plan in 1958 Demetriou, O. (2004) The EU and the Cyprus conflict: Review of the literature, Nicosia, p.15. Tocci, N. (2004) EU Accession Dynamics and Conflict Resolution: Catalysing Peace or Consolidating Partition in Cyprus? London: Ashgate. Theophanous, A. (2005), The Cyprus question and the EU: The promise and the challenge, Nicosia: Intercollege Press, p. 32. For the security dimensions of the Cyprus problem see the most recent work: Ker-Lindsay, J. (2008) The Security Dimensions of a Cyprus Solution, GreeSE Paper No. 19, Hellenic Observatory Papers on Greece and Southeast Europe. Theophanous, A. (2005), ibid., p. 45. Verney, S. EU enlargement as a moral mission: Debating Cyprus accession in the European Parliament, Paper prepared for presentation at the 3rd Paneuropean Conference of the ECPR Standing Group on European Union Politics, Bilgi University, Istanbul, 20-23 September 2006, p.4. Gaudissart, M. (1996), Cyprus and the European Union: the long road to accession, Cyprus Review, 8 (1). Barchard, D. (1998), Turkey and the European Union, London: Centre for European Reform. Verney, S. ibid,p. 7. Tocci, N. (2004), EU Accession Dynamics and Conflict Resolution: Catalysing Peace or Consolidating Partition in Cyprus? London: Ashgate. p. 18. Diez, T. (ed.), (2002), The European Union and the Cyprus conflict, Manchester: Manchester University Press. Tassos Papadopoulos speech on April 2004. Tocci, N (2004), ibid, p. 20. Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus Featherstone, K. (2003) Introduction: In the Name of Europe, in Featherstone, K. and Radaelli, C. (eds.) The Politics of Europeanization, Oxford: OUP Ker-Lindsay, J. (2008), ibid. p.541. Deighton, A. (2002), The European Security and Defence Policy, Journal of Common Market Studies, Vol. 40, 4. Ozen, C. (2002), ESDP-NATO Relations: Considerations on the Future of European Security Architecture, The Turkish Yearbook of International Relations (33) p.232 For a comprehensive account on the development of ESDP see: Howorth, J. (2007), Security and Defence Policy in the European Union, UK: Palgrave macmillan. Hunter, R. (2002), The European Security and Defence Policy: NATOs Companion or Competitor?, Rand Corporation, available at: www.rand.org/publications/MR/MR1463/index.html [accessed on 14/07/2009] p.8. For a comprehensive analysis on PfP see: Borawski, J. (1995), Partnership for Peace and beyond, International Affairs, Vol. 71, No. 2. www.nato.com, [accessed on 22/07/2009] Howorth, J. (2007), Security and Defence Policy in the European Union, UK: Palgrave Macmillan. p. 102 The specific issue is vast and almost impossible to be fully examined for the purposes of this paper. For further analysis see: Howorth, J (2007) Kasoulidis Ioannis Cypriot MEP of the Democratic Rally, Former Minister of Foreign Affairs, Candidate for the Presidency of Cyprus in the 2008 elections. Interview with the author. https://www.rcenter.intercol.edu/Newsletter/issue8/art03.htm [accessed on 12/07/2009] Omirou Yiannakis, ibid. Kasoulides Ioannis, ibid. Kentas, G. (2005), ibid,. p. 3. Kentas, G. ibid,. p. 4.Kasoulides Ioannis, ibid, Kasoulides Ioannis , ibid This perception is adopted by all the political parties in Cyprus except AKEL and the Green Party. Tsiourtos Constantinos, ibid. Simerini, 22 February 2008. Tsiourtos Constantinos, ibid.. Ker-Lindsay, J (2008), ibid, p. 543.

The Coronation Of The Virgin - 1513 Words

Dated circa 1515, The Coronation of the Virgin is the earliest known altarpiece by Bartholomà ¤us Bruyn the Elder German, 1493–1555, who was a contemporary of Lucas Cranach and Hans Holbein, and the foremost painter in Cologne in the sixteenth century. It is one of the few German Renaissance altarpieces that still have the side panels intact. Although it has a later frame, Linda Muehlig, associate director of curatorial affairs at Smith College Museum of Art, affirms that, â€Å"a technical analysis of the wood of the side panels showed that they were cut from the same tree as the center panel, refuting the theory that they might have been added later.† (SCMA) In this work, Bruyn unifies late Gothic tradition with northern Renaissance elements, creating a unique style. The work is a three-panel altarpiece, painted in oil on oak wood panels. The large central panel of the triptych shows the Virgin Mary being crowned by the whole Christian Trinity, known as the One who is Three. 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Ignornance of Tradition in The Lottery, by Shirley Jackson

Tradition, defined as the handing down of information, beliefs, and customs by word of mouth or by example from one generation to another without written instruction. (Tradition) Tradition is a core trait of humanity, from the time before recorded history to present, humanity has followed traditions or customs that have been passed down from generation to generation. More often than not communities all over the world blindly follow these practices with little regard to who started them or why they were enacted in the first place. The community, in the short story The Lottery by Shirley Jackson, is no different. The community members follow the tradition of the lottery without any consideration to its ramifications.†¦show more content†¦In addition to the fear of change, Shirley Jackson also illustrates the blindness of the townsfolk to the dangers and complete irrationality of the lottery. The winner of the town lottery gets killed for no lucid reason what so ever. This stra nge ceremony proposes how dangerous traditions can be when communities follow them blindly. Jackson paints a picture of a small, peaceful and quiet town in the beginning of the story. Each villager is beginning preparations for a seemingly harmless town lottery; however, by the end of the story the reality of the lottery takes a complete 360 turn and culminates with the murder of an innocent town member. Blind approval of the lottery has permitted ceremonious murders to become a part of the towns heritage, for the sole reason of keeping tradition. Guess we better get started, get this over with, sos we can go back to work. (Jackson 840) These typical citizens, who have just taken time out of their day effortlessly kill someone, return to work without any remorse or regret when they are told to do so. No one stops to question it, and therefore the senseless loss of life continues. Jackson uses the lottery as a severe example of what can happen when traditions and rituals are not ques tioned by future generations. Tradition is central to small towns; it provides a way for families and generations to connect with each other. However, when blindly followed these

A world crisis can make or break a country Essay Example For Students

A world crisis can make or break a country Essay A world crisis can make or break a country: The topic that jumped outat me and screamed, write about me! was that war can make or break acountry. This statement explains how so many different countries have comeinto there own, and have established themselves as world powers. -=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-Category:HistoryPaper Title:A world crisis can make or break a countryText:The topic that jumped out at me and screamed, write about me! was thatwar can make or break a country. This statement explains how so manydifferent countries have come into there own, and have established themselves asworld powers. Europes global expansion created the setting within which allother societies have been compelled to make there way into the modern world. Russians, Latin Americans, Arabs, Chinese, and other peoples found themselvesfaced with the fact of western European dominance in one form or another. Noneof them could avoid dealing with it in one form or another. One such an examplewas the power struggle between Europe and the United States before and afterWWII. World War II was a period of self-definition for the two countries. Europehad become the leading force of exploration between 1492 and 1945 until afterWorld War II when the US replaced them. After the war the Soviet Union hadcollapsed and without their threat, the U.S. was attempting to stop the spreadof communism to better the world as a whole. Before the Second World War Europe was a booming economic epicenter, withtrade routes to virtually everywhere. Their people had witnessed the fall of theRoman republic, the crusades, and the enlightenment of the renaissance, but astime waned on European people found themselves faced with the threat of a warthat would bump them out of first place. The United States entered the war in1941, and Americans moved across North Africa and thereby taking control of theMediterranean. In 1943, American, British, and Free French forces invaded Italy. Finally in 1945 the Soviet Union was brought down by a devastating defeat thatkilling millions in both sides. Europe itself was impoverished and in ruins,ironically, a victim of its own political vices and powers. It was clear thatEuropean Dominance was finished and that the U.S. would define the fate of theEuropean world. In my opinion Europe got what it deserved, but I dont believe that so manydeaths and so much destruction was necessary. Europe was a world leader withmany political and economic advantages to be shared. I believe Hitler could havebeen defeated without the involvement of so many countries. He was only one manmade of flesh and blood like the millions of people killed in the war. I dothink that some conflict is necessary, but it should never be taken to theextent of mass destruction. In American views the war might have overall seemedpositive being that we appeared on top after the dust settled, but I believethat the United States would have established themselves as dominant in theyears ahead anyway. In conclusion I have briefly summarized the events of the Unites States thatlead up to the fall of Europe. I have discovered through some thoughtfulanalysis of the war as a whole that, maybe, war is necessary to move alonghistory and events in political power. Although I strongly disagree with war andits effects, I am somewhat persuaded to take a look at it from a military pointof view. I conclude with a quote I know not with what weapons WWIII will befought, but WWIV will be fought with sticks and stones,-anonymous-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-